關於 right wing politics ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

#進口萊豬就是最明顯的押寶
2011年蔡英文去美國面試不成功, 2012年妥妥敗選
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2016年, 美國還沒投票, 蔡英文就急忙表態, 還派李應元送溫暖給希拉蕊! 各國媒體都看著綠營甘願做龜婊!
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2016年川普勝選, 綠營份子還在昏頭轉向如喪考妣, 是李大維等"老藍男"硬是讓蔡英文熱線撥通川普表忠
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2020年蔡英文陣營在連任就職時的影片還刻意刪減了民主黨陣營的祝賀詞, 明顯選邊站, 搞到事後道歉
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2016~2020這幾年, 綠營上下無不夾著卵蛋舔爆川川大腿, 把拜登罵成中共同路人, 還是公開罵, 公開表忠心, 甚至駐美代表還公開助選川普, 恐怕是被私下警告才慌忙刪文, 後續就是綠營林濁水爆料綠營代表根本不受拜登陣營待見, 可說是自己把自己蠢死的!
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#身為外國人怎可以干擾他國內政?
#這是哪門子的外交人材會做的行為啊?
#進口萊豬就是最明顯的押寶
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什麼豺驚魍美, 焦糖陳, 王O宇, 碎鏡八七等等洗地水龍頭都在罵拜登, 捧川普, 指控大選舞弊, 綠營甚至還放任野狗一般的滋事份子出征美國在台協會AIT的臉書? 笑死, 嫌命長??
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拜登當選後, 蔡媓急忙想搶在全世界之前祝賀拜登, 綠營忙說出征AIT的都是機器人, 都是在野黨跟親共人士做的, 跟綠營沒關係, #這等急撇清卸責表效忠的行為, 誰人不知在搞三小? 這種樣子還能跟新科美國總統通話嗎? 駐美團沒被請出境算你好運吧?
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現在蔡英文陣營忙著表演自己很中立, 沒有越線干涉美國內政, 台美關係穩固, 沒有押錯寶, 民主黨拜登好棒棒, 一切都是國民黨的錯, 催眠自己未來台美關係會更好....
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大笑, 做著雜碎的身分還想操主子的心? 蠢到撞見墓碑才知死, 現在想甩鍋給別人, 你當別人都白癡嗎?
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還想甩鍋? 甩你老木, 雖然應以中華民國利益為優先, 但老子現在就是看綠營笑話, 真不愧是舉世聞名的蠢蛋團體! 蠢! 蠢爆! 蠢到全體智商歸零!!
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所有反對民進黨選邊站的人早就勸過講過, 你們自己不聽, 只好等著看你們忙成一團, 現在知道你們這些王八蛋想甩鍋, #當然要幫你們死透! 垃圾渣!
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華盛頓郵報把蔡英文陣營的選邊站歷史如實報導
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/biden-china-election-taiwan-obama/2020/10/30/44e55488-0868-11eb-8719-0df159d14794_story.html

台灣台北市— 2011年底，台灣總統候選人蔡英文在華盛頓會見了兩名奧巴馬政府官員，這是在嚴重依賴美國安全的島上求職者的慣常做法。她沒有得到他們的認可。
In late 2011, Tsai Ing-wen, a presidential candidate in Taiwan, met with two Obama administration officials in Washington, a customary step for office-seekers on an island that depends heavily on the United States for its security. She didn't win their approval.

台灣政府正式強調，它不支持任何候選人。台灣外交部在一份聲明中說：“無論美國哪個政黨贏得大選，台灣政府都將繼續在目前穩固的基礎上穩步加深台灣與美國的伙伴關係。”
Officially, Taiwan's government has stressed that it does not favor any candidate. "No matter which party in the United States wins the election, the Taiwanese government will continue to steadily deepen the Taiwan-U.S. partnership on its currently robust and sound foundations," Taiwan's Foreign Ministry said in a statement, pledging to maintain neutrality.

但觀察人士注意到，台灣政府的推特賬戶分享了右翼布賴特巴特新聞網站上的一篇文章，並在周二轉發了第一夫人梅拉尼婭·特朗普（Melania Trump）的帖子，助選賓夕法尼亞州戰場。
But observers have noted Taiwanese government Twitter accounts sharing an article from the right-wing Breitbart news site and, on Tuesday, retweeting first lady Melania Trump's post appealing to the battleground state of Pennsylvania.

兩名知情人士說，當蔡在五月任期第二屆總統就職時，編輯們編輯了祝賀賀詞的視頻剪輯片，削減了民主黨人的注意力，並更加重視共和黨的祝福，例如眾議員泰德·尤霍（R-Fla。）。其中一位知情人士說，結果令人震驚，台灣官員後來向民主黨道歉。
When Tsai was inaugurated for a second term in May, editors compiling a video montage of congratulatory messages cut Democrats and added emphasis on Republican well-wishers such as Rep. Ted Yoho (R-Fla.), said two people familiar with the matter. The result was striking enough that Taiwanese officials later apologized to Democrats, one of the people said.

台灣人對特朗普的支持超出了政府的範圍。
Taiwanese support for Trump extends beyond the government.
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台灣川粉囂張行徑
https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Gossiping/M.1604598110.A.24D.html

誰是2016年促成特朗普與蔡英文熱線的關鍵人物？
https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/taiwan-letters-38249634

2020年連任賀詞遭刪? 傳台灣官員向民主黨道歉
https://news.ebc.net.tw/news/world/233800
https://www.storm.mg/article/3161820
吳斯懷稱 若真有刪文一事 拜登當選恐後遺無窮
https://www.ettoday.net/news/20201101/1844341.htm

駐美代表貼川普助選文 吳釗燮: 有刪掉了啊
https://www.ettoday.net/news/20201102/1844877.htm
駐美代表貼川普助選文 "我不小心的" (北爛)
https://tw.appledaily.com/politics/20201031/7XFEFU5E7ZGHJHTTKRRZ4RL44E/

美大選民進黨押錯寶？林濁水揭窘境：搞到駐美代表見不到拜登重要幕僚
https://www.storm.mg/article/3171835

苗博雅警告是「親共人士的陷阱」(公開說謊)
https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2020-11-06/490539
綠營甩鍋 都是柯粉韓粉出征AIT (公開騙人)
https://www.setn.com/News.aspx?NewsID=843959
黨政高層宣稱沒押錯寶 都是國民黨的錯 (公然騙人)
https://www.ettoday.net/news/20201108/1849749.htm
綠營稱民主黨總統會出兵救台灣 (自欺欺人)
https://www.ettoday.net/news/20201106/1848879.htm
https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/3342970
蘇貞昌稱台美關係將越穩固 (騙人騙神騙自己)
https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202011080064.aspx
https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2020-11-08/490998

🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導，來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙：丹麥Weekendavisen，題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會，前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者，我也在其中，雖然只是每人一句，加在一起，卻有了很完整的圖像。

以下為英譯：

Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.

A world on the barricades

At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.

At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."

For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?

Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.

With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.

Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.

"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.

Economic powerlessness

Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.

According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.

'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.

The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.

Triggered by trifles

In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.

In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.

“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.

Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.

“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.

The authoritarian wave

Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.

Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.

“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.

"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.

"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.

Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.

“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.

"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.

Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.

The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.

"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."

[#洞見社會眼] 歐洲向右齊步走

在歷經難民議題、經濟成長遲緩以及歐盟的不給力之後，自去年開始，歐洲各國選舉紛紛反映出人民的心聲。右派，甚至是極右派的政府紛紛上台，勢必會在某種程度上重整歐洲的秩序，並有可能往新法西斯的方向趨近。

奧地利：
在本週六的奧地利總統大選，來自奧地利自由黨的諾伯特·霍費爾（Nobert Hofer）雖在首輪投票中拔得頭籌，最後得票率為49.7%，仍以極小的差距輸給前經濟學教授亞歷山大·范德貝倫（Alexander Van der Bellen），但他的聲望以及以反移民、反歐盟的政策，明白地彰顯了很大部分奧地利人民的心聲。該黨在1950年代由前納粹帝國主義支持者成立，今年的大選為該黨頭一遭贏得近五成的選票。

瑞典：
瑞典的自由黨是歐洲極右自由派的代表，遠從2014年開始，該黨便在國會選舉中得到了13%的選票。而因現在瑞典的主流政黨都表達不願與瑞典自由黨共組內閣，現在的瑞典政府是由多個小黨包括社會自由黨與綠色環境黨等，共構而成。

歐洲諸國牽一髮而動全身，各國民意對於接踵而至的挑戰而湧起的聲浪，想必只會在接下來的日子裡越演越烈。小編邀請各位不妨也一同回顧一下，日前沸沸揚揚的「英國脫歐」與「難民經濟」等議題，對照今日的政治動向勢必更有感觸。

- 英國要什麼？歐盟能給什麼？：
http://www.insight-post.tw/politics/20160203/14434
- 淺談難民與經濟發展：
http://www.insight-post.tw/social-economy/20151211/14136

參考資料：
http://www.nytimes.com/…/europe-right-wing-austria-hungary.…

On Taiwan Hashtag hosted by Ross Feingold, we discuss the relevance to
Taiwan of today’s decision by Hong Kong elections officials to deny
Joshua Wong 黃之鋒 eligibility to run in the upcoming District Council
election. President Tsai’s Democratic Progressive Party was formed at a
time when political parties other than the Kuomintang (Nationalist
Party) were banned during Taiwan’s martial law era, and advocacy for
Taiwan’s independence from the People’s Republic of China and the
Republic of China was illegal, making it likely DPP politicians will
support Wong and Demosisto’s right to support autonomy referendums. This
will continue criticisms exchanged in recent days between Hong Kong and
Taiwan government officials over how to facilitate travel to Taiwan of
Chan Tong-kai 陳同佳, wanted in Taiwan for the murder of Poon Hui-wing
潘曉穎 that led to Hong Kong’s extradition bill controversy. With Taiwan
insisting on a judicial cooperation agreement and criticizing Hong Kong
officials for not putting Chan on trial for murder in Hong Kong (a legal
impossibility already made clear by Hong Kong), Chan’s return might not
occur until after Taiwan’s presidential and legislative elections.
Politicization of the matter continues, as does each side’s involvement
in the other’s politics. Watch this episode – recorded in Hong Kong -
for analysis.


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法國地方選舉，選舉的是地方議會。法國本土也有海外屬土如法屬圭亞那、大溪地等。法國本土分為十三區。第十三區是法國島嶼，像拿破崙出生的科西嘉島也是屬於第十三區。瑪麗勒龐的國民陣線贏到27%。如果以單一黨來講是最大，如果以光譜來講就不是的。但陶傑一見這新聞便很興奮，他覺得這結果有兩個原因，一是越來越多法國人清醒過來，唾棄左膠；二是本來就有很多法國人口頭偽左，一旦走進四面圍着布的投票箱，肯講真話、表露真正的立場」

我有兩個問題要問的，第一，支持瑪琳勒龐只有27%，你話愈來愈多法國人覺醒，但73%的法國人又如何。其實左派右派有很多個黨，好幾個黨組合起來的話，無論左派還是右派都多人支持過瑪琳勒龐。如果有27%支持就話法國覺醒，那73%又如何，還是只是這27%的人昏迷。這結果有何稀奇，世界上人渣如陶傑大約4%，有10-20%的人經常憤怒，這些人很易受到煽動，走向極端路線，把仇恨放到一些人身上，如左派仇恨資產階級，所有壞事都是因為資產階級；而右派就歸咎於外國人。但這些人只有這麼多，那算是甚麼重大發現。
廿年前，瑪琳勒龐的父親已有20%選票，但一到大選也是輸給人，因為左右派加起來有73%，能夠贏過他們。有理智、主張和平博愛、普世價值的人，永遠比他們多。這些人為何選瑪琳勒龐。有民意調查指出40%是因為經濟原因，因為移民問題只有20%。他們領先的地區都是失業率高的地方。等於大蕭條，希特拉最多拿過三成選票，極右極左最多拿到30%選票。瑪琳勒龐連父親也趕出黨，其實她的思想是向中間走，她不敢反右，不敢反同性戀。而勒龐是反對同性戀。


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謎米香港 www.memehk.com
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